Freitag, 30. Dezember 2011

The Atlantic — News and analysis on politics, business, culture, technology, national, international, and life – TheAtlantic.com

The Atlantic — News and analysis on politics, business, culture, technology, national, international, and life – TheAtlantic.com

Anu Partanen - Anu Partanen, a Finnish journalist based in New York City, is writing a book about what America can learn from the successes of Nordic societies, told through her personal experiences as a young woman living between Brooklyn and Helsinki.

What Americans Keep Ignoring About Finland's School Success

By Anu Partanen
Dec 29 2011, 3:00 PM ET 244

The Scandinavian country is an education superpower because it values equality more than excellence.

finnish-kids.jpg

Sergey Ivanov/Flickr

Everyone agrees the United States needs to improve its education system dramatically, but how? One of the hottest trends in education reform lately is looking at the stunning success of the West's reigning education superpower, Finland. Trouble is, when it comes to the lessons that Finnish schools have to offer, most of the discussion seems to be missing the point.

The small Nordic country of Finland used to be known -- if it was known for anything at all -- as the home of Nokia, the mobile phone giant. But lately Finland has been attracting attention on global surveys of quality of life -- Newsweek ranked it number one last year -- and Finland's national education system has been receiving particular praise, because in recent years Finnish students have been turning in some of the highest test scores in the world.

Finland's schools owe their newfound fame primarily to one study: the PISA survey, conducted every three years by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The survey compares 15-year-olds in different countries in reading, math, and science. Finland has ranked at or near the top in all three competencies on every survey since 2000, neck and neck with superachievers such as South Korea and Singapore. In the most recent survey in 2009 Finland slipped slightly, with students in Shanghai, China, taking the best scores, but the Finns are still near the very top. Throughout the same period, the PISA performance of the United States has been middling, at best.

Compared with the stereotype of the East Asian model -- long hours of exhaustive cramming and rote memorization -- Finland's success is especially intriguing because Finnish schools assign less homework and engage children in more creative play. All this has led to a continuous stream of foreign delegations making the pilgrimage to Finland to visit schools and talk with the nation's education experts, and constant coverage in the worldwide media marveling at the Finnish miracle.

So there was considerable interest in a recent visit to the U.S. by one of the leading Finnish authorities on education reform, Pasi Sahlberg, director of the Finnish Ministry of Education's Center for International Mobility and author of the new book Finnish Lessons: What Can the World Learn from Educational Change in Finland? Earlier this month, Sahlberg stopped by the Dwight School in New York City to speak with educators and students, and his visit received national media attention and generated much discussion.

And yet it wasn't clear that Sahlberg's message was actually getting through. As Sahlberg put it to me later, there are certain things nobody in America really wants to talk about.

* * *

During the afternoon that Sahlberg spent at the Dwight School, a photographer from the New York Times jockeyed for position with Dan Rather's TV crew as Sahlberg participated in a roundtable chat with students. The subsequent article in the Times about the event would focus on Finland as an "intriguing school-reform model."

Yet one of the most significant things Sahlberg said passed practically unnoticed. "Oh," he mentioned at one point, "and there are no private schools in Finland."

This notion may seem difficult for an American to digest, but it's true. Only a small number of independent schools exist in Finland, and even they are all publicly financed. None is allowed to charge tuition fees. There are no private universities, either. This means that practically every person in Finland attends public school, whether for pre-K or a Ph.D.

The irony of Sahlberg's making this comment during a talk at the Dwight School seemed obvious. Like many of America's best schools, Dwight is a private institution that costs high-school students upward of $35,000 a year to attend -- not to mention that Dwight, in particular, is run for profit, an increasing trend in the U.S. Yet no one in the room commented on Sahlberg's statement. I found this surprising. Sahlberg himself did not.

Sahlberg knows what Americans like to talk about when it comes to education, because he's become their go-to guy in Finland. The son of two teachers, he grew up in a Finnish school. He taught mathematics and physics in a junior high school in Helsinki, worked his way through a variety of positions in the Finnish Ministry of Education, and spent years as an education expert at the OECD, the World Bank, and other international organizations.

Now, in addition to his other duties, Sahlberg hosts about a hundred visits a year by foreign educators, including many Americans, who want to know the secret of Finland's success. Sahlberg's new book is partly an attempt to help answer the questions he always gets asked.

From his point of view, Americans are consistently obsessed with certain questions: How can you keep track of students' performance if you don't test them constantly? How can you improve teaching if you have no accountability for bad teachers or merit pay for good teachers? How do you foster competition and engage the private sector? How do you provide school choice?

The answers Finland provides seem to run counter to just about everything America's school reformers are trying to do.

For starters, Finland has no standardized tests. The only exception is what's called the National Matriculation Exam, which everyone takes at the end of a voluntary upper-secondary school, roughly the equivalent of American high school.

Instead, the public school system's teachers are trained to assess children in classrooms using independent tests they create themselves. All children receive a report card at the end of each semester, but these reports are based on individualized grading by each teacher. Periodically, the Ministry of Education tracks national progress by testing a few sample groups across a range of different schools.

As for accountability of teachers and administrators, Sahlberg shrugs. "There's no word for accountability in Finnish," he later told an audience at the Teachers College of Columbia University. "Accountability is something that is left when responsibility has been subtracted."

For Sahlberg what matters is that in Finland all teachers and administrators are given prestige, decent pay, and a lot of responsibility. A master's degree is required to enter the profession, and teacher training programs are among the most selective professional schools in the country. If a teacher is bad, it is the principal's responsibility to notice and deal with it.

And while Americans love to talk about competition, Sahlberg points out that nothing makes Finns more uncomfortable. In his book Sahlberg quotes a line from Finnish writer named Samuli Puronen: "Real winners do not compete." It's hard to think of a more un-American idea, but when it comes to education, Finland's success shows that the Finnish attitude might have merits. There are no lists of best schools or teachers in Finland. The main driver of education policy is not competition between teachers and between schools, but cooperation.

Finally, in Finland, school choice is noticeably not a priority, nor is engaging the private sector at all. Which brings us back to the silence after Sahlberg's comment at the Dwight School that schools like Dwight don't exist in Finland.

"Here in America," Sahlberg said at the Teachers College, "parents can choose to take their kids to private schools. It's the same idea of a marketplace that applies to, say, shops. Schools are a shop and parents can buy what ever they want. In Finland parents can also choose. But the options are all the same."

Herein lay the real shocker. As Sahlberg continued, his core message emerged, whether or not anyone in his American audience heard it.

Decades ago, when the Finnish school system was badly in need of reform, the goal of the program that Finland instituted, resulting in so much success today, was never excellence. It was equity.

* * *

Since the 1980s, the main driver of Finnish education policy has been the idea that every child should have exactly the same opportunity to learn, regardless of family background, income, or geographic location. Education has been seen first and foremost not as a way to produce star performers, but as an instrument to even out social inequality.

In the Finnish view, as Sahlberg describes it, this means that schools should be healthy, safe environments for children. This starts with the basics. Finland offers all pupils free school meals, easy access to health care, psychological counseling, and individualized student guidance.

In fact, since academic excellence wasn't a particular priority on the Finnish to-do list, when Finland's students scored so high on the first PISA survey in 2001, many Finns thought the results must be a mistake. But subsequent PISA tests confirmed that Finland -- unlike, say, very similar countries such as Norway -- was producing academic excellence through its particular policy focus on equity.

That this point is almost always ignored or brushed aside in the U.S. seems especially poignant at the moment, after the financial crisis and Occupy Wall Street movement have brought the problems of inequality in America into such sharp focus. The chasm between those who can afford $35,000 in tuition per child per year -- or even just the price of a house in a good public school district -- and the other "99 percent" is painfully plain to see.

* * *

Pasi Sahlberg goes out of his way to emphasize that his book Finnish Lessons is not meant as a how-to guide for fixing the education systems of other countries. All countries are different, and as many Americans point out, Finland is a small nation with a much more homogeneous population than the United States.

Yet Sahlberg doesn't think that questions of size or homogeneity should give Americans reason to dismiss the Finnish example. Finland is a relatively homogeneous country -- as of 2010, just 4.6 percent of Finnish residents had been born in another country, compared with 12.7 percent in the United States. But the number of foreign-born residents in Finland doubled during the decade leading up to 2010, and the country didn't lose its edge in education. Immigrants tended to concentrate in certain areas, causing some schools to become much more mixed than others, yet there has not been much change in the remarkable lack of variation between Finnish schools in the PISA surveys across the same period.

Samuel Abrams, a visiting scholar at Columbia University's Teachers College, has addressed the effects of size and homogeneity on a nation's education performance by comparing Finland with another Nordic country: Norway. Like Finland, Norway is small and not especially diverse overall, but unlike Finland it has taken an approach to education that is more American than Finnish. The result? Mediocre performance in the PISA survey. Educational policy, Abrams suggests, is probably more important to the success of a country's school system than the nation's size or ethnic makeup.

Indeed, Finland's population of 5.4 million can be compared to many an American state -- after all, most American education is managed at the state level. According to the Migration Policy Institute, a research organization in Washington, there were 18 states in the U.S. in 2010 with an identical or significantly smaller percentage of foreign-born residents than Finland.

What's more, despite their many differences, Finland and the U.S. have an educational goal in common. When Finnish policymakers decided to reform the country's education system in the 1970s, they did so because they realized that to be competitive, Finland couldn't rely on manufacturing or its scant natural resources and instead had to invest in a knowledge-based economy.

With America's manufacturing industries now in decline, the goal of educational policy in the U.S. -- as articulated by most everyone from President Obama on down -- is to preserve American competitiveness by doing the same thing. Finland's experience suggests that to win at that game, a country has to prepare not just some of its population well, but all of its population well, for the new economy. To possess some of the best schools in the world might still not be good enough if there are children being left behind.

Is that an impossible goal? Sahlberg says that while his book isn't meant to be a how-to manual, it is meant to be a "pamphlet of hope."

"When President Kennedy was making his appeal for advancing American science and technology by putting a man on the moon by the end of the 1960's, many said it couldn't be done," Sahlberg said during his visit to New York. "But he had a dream. Just like Martin Luther King a few years later had a dream. Those dreams came true. Finland's dream was that we want to have a good public education for every child regardless of where they go to school or what kind of families they come from, and many even in Finland said it couldn't be done."

Clearly, many were wrong. It is possible to create equality. And perhaps even more important -- as a challenge to the American way of thinking about education reform -- Finland's experience shows that it is possible to achieve excellence by focusing not on competition, but on cooperation, and not on choice, but on equity.

The problem facing education in America isn't the ethnic diversity of the population but the economic inequality of society, and this is precisely the problem that Finnish education reform addressed. More equity at home might just be what America needs to be more competitive abroad.



Mittwoch, 14. Dezember 2011

"El sistema ha organizado un casino para que ganen siempre los mismos" (José Luis Sampedro) >> Ladrones de fuego >> Blogs EL PAÍS

"El sistema ha organizado un casino para que ganen siempre los mismos" (José Luis Sampedro) >> Ladrones de fuego >> Blogs EL PAÍS

"El sistema ha organizado un casino para que ganen siempre los mismos" (José Luis Sampedro)

Por: | 07 de diciembre de 2011

JOSÉ LUIS SAMPEDRO (1917)

Sampedro

Se ha calificado a José Luis Sampedro como escritor, humanista y economista. Luchó en los dos lados de la Guerra Civil, movilizado por ambos bandos. Antes de dedicarse a escribir trabajó alrededor de 30 años en el Banco Exterior de España, llegando al puesto de Subdirector General. Es autor de una decena de novelas, entre las que destacan Octubre, octubre (1981), La sonrisa etrusca (1985), La vieja sirena (1990), entre otras, y media docena de obras sobre temas económicos, como Realidad económica y análisis estructural (1959), Conciencia y subdesarrollo (1973), El mercado y la globalización (2002), Sobre política, mercado y convivencia (2006).
El profesor José Luis Sampedro aboga por una economía más humana, más solidaria, capaz de contribuir a desarrollar la dignidad de los pueblos. Asegura que nuestro sistema económico está descompuesto y cree que ese sistema ha organizado un casino para que ganen siempre los mismos.
A punto de cumplir 94 años, ha llegado a esa edad, lúcido, vital, con sentido crítico. Sabe, como aseguraba Cervantes, que no se escribe con las canas, sino con el entendimiento, el cual suele mejorarse con los años. He aquí una prueba de ello:
¿Hoy tememos decir la verdad por temor a ser creído?
No creo que tememos decir la verdad. Hoy simplemente conceptos como verdad han sido olvidados y borrados. Creemos en las recetas, no en la verdad. En un mundo descreído, sin valores, la verdad es una máquina con cables que sale en la televisión y que previo pago de unos milloncejos al listillo de turno permite a todo el mundo morbosearse con las supuestas verdades de un personajillo de cuarta.
¿El éxito es el azote del género humano?
El éxito hoy suele también tener que con el número de veces que sale uno en la caja tonta o en las revistas de colorines. Es muy difícil saber en la actualidad quién tiene éxito por ser genial y quién por puro montaje comercial.
¿Es cierto que la poesía es el subsuelo de la literatura?
La poesía es el grado más alto, por más profundo e irracional de la literatura.
¿Escribir es espiar sin ser visto, salvo por la sombra de uno mismo?
Escribir es espiar en uno mismo, a veces sin querer ni siquiera admitir eso que descubrimos dentro.
¿Cuando rozamos la perfección de una frase, es cuando más ansiamos poder crear una sintaxis nunca creada por nadie?
No soy escritor que busque la frase perfecta. Pero cuando un párrafo se acerca a lo que quería decir me siento como un pequeño dios. En todo caso, más que crear una sintaxis propia me gustaría conseguir que mis personajes alcanzasen una riqueza de matices no alcanzada jamás por ningún escritor.
¿La belleza siempre es el fragmento mejor de lo perdido? ¿De ahí la búsqueda a ciegas de los creadores?
La belleza, como la verdad, son horizontes inalcanzables pero a los que todo creador debe aspirar.

***
Premio Nacional de las Letras Españolas en 2011, José Luis Sampedro ha sido un referente moral para los indignados del 15-M.

Sonntag, 4. Dezember 2011

Helmut Schmidt auf dem SPD-Parteitag - Der alte Mann kann es - Politik - sueddeutsche.de

Helmut Schmidt auf dem SPD-Parteitag - Der alte Mann kann es - Politik - sueddeutsche.de

Helmut Schmidt auf dem SPD-Parteitag Der alte Mann kann es

04.12.2011, 14:36

Von Thorsten Denkler, Berlin

In seiner fulminanten Parteitagsrede warnt Altkanzler Helmut Schmidt davor, Europa auseinanderbrechen zu lassen und beschwört die Kraft der Gemeinsamkeit. Dabei liefert die Ikone der SPD endlich die neue europäische Erzählung, die der mögliche Kanzlerkandidat Peer Steinbrück, sein politischer Ziehsohn, seit Monaten nur ankündigt.

Einen solchen Applaus hat es auf einem SPD-Parteitag lange nicht gegeben. Minutenlang, rhythmisch, stehend und begleitet von "Helmut! Helmut!"-Rufen. Ein Johlen brandet auf, als sich der Altkanzler nach seiner einstündigen Rede endlich eine seiner Menthol-Zigaretten anzünden kann. Er hat sich da schon wieder an seinen Platz in der ersten Reihe rollen lassen. Hätte ihn in diesem Moment jemand aufgefordert, 2013 die Kanzlerkandidatur der SPD zu übernehmen, die Delegierten hätten seine wahrscheinliche Absage einfach in Jubel ertränkt.

Former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt of the SPD gives a speech at SPD  party convention in Berlin Bild vergrößern

SPD-Altkanzler Schmidt auf dem Parteitag in Berlin: Latenter Argwohn gegen Deutschland "bei fast allen unseren Nachbarn". (© REUTERS)

Er, der "alte Mann", wie er sich selbst bezeichnet, er kann es. Und er kann es womöglich immer noch besser als die meisten anderen Akteure in der altehrwürdigen SPD. Hannelore Kraft jedenfalls, die nach Schmidt den Parteitag im Kongresszentrum "Station" eröffnet, sagt nach der Rede ganz ergriffen: "Du hast uns wieder Richtung gegeben!" Der unausgesprochene Subtext: Das hat vom aktuellen Personal niemand geschafft.

Schon der Titel "Deutschland in Europa" ließ im Vorfeld Grundsätzliches erwarten. Hieße die Rednerin dazu Angela Merkel, es wäre Zeit, sich gemütlich zurückzulehnen und auf das Ende zu warten. Hieße der Redner Peer Steinbrück, die Sache wäre zwar unterhaltsamer, aber nicht immer erhellender.

Schmidt macht dagegen innerhalb einer Stunde die Notwendigkeit der europäischen Integration den Zuhörern derart deutlich klar, dass danach Widerspruch kaum noch möglich erscheint. Seine Kernthese: Bricht Europa auseinander, verfällt es in die voreuropäische Phase der Missgunst und nationalstaatlicher Rivalitäten. Weil dies nie mehr passieren darf, kommt Deutschland eine besondere Rolle zu.

"In absehbarer Zeit kein normales Land"

An den Anfang stellt Schmidt eine Frage, die ihm Wolfgang Thierse kürzlich gestellt habe: Wann wird Deutschland endlich ein normales Land sein? Schmidt zitiert seine eigene Antwort: "In absehbarer Zeit wird Deutschland kein normales Land sein." Zwei Gründe: "Dagegen steht unsere ungeheure historische Belastung." Und "dagegen steht unsere Zentralposition auf unserem kleinen Kontinent".

Beides führe dazu, dass "bei fast allen unseren Nachbarn ein latenter Argwohn gegenüber uns Deutschen besteht". Schmidt: "Mehrfach haben wir Deutschen andere unter unserer zentralen Machtposition leiden lassen." Es sei aber auch dieser Argwohn gegenüber der zukünftigen Entwicklung Deutschlands gewesen, aus dem heraus die europäische Integration erst initiiert worden sei.

"Vertrauen in die Verlässlichkeit beschädigt"

Unverkennbar, dass Schmidt der Überzeugung ist, dass die aktuelle Bundesregierung in der Euro-Krise geschichtsvergessen agiert. Deshalb die von viel Applaus begleitete Warnung: "Wer dieses Ursprungsmotiv der europäischen Integration nicht verstanden hat, dem fehlt eine unverzichtbare Voraussetzung für die Lösungen der gegenwärtig höchst prekären Krise Europas."

Die außenpolitischen Fehler der Merkel-Regierung skizziert der Altkanzler mit rasiermesserscharfer Rhetorik: "In den letzen Jahren sind erhebliche Zweifel an der Stetigkeit der deutschen Politik aufgetaucht. Das Vertrauen in die Verlässlichkeit der deutschen Politik ist beschädigt."